【导读】前联合国秘书长科菲•安南接受了《经济学人》的专访，就一系列国际问题发表了看法
The Q&A: Kofi Annan
专访：科菲•安南
The peacemaker
调停者
KOFI ANNAN joined the United Nations in 1962. He rose to become Secretary-General and served two terms, from 1997 to 2006.
科菲•安南于1962年加入联合国。后来他得到晋升，在1997至2006年间担任了两个任期的秘书长。
A number of important changes took place within the organisation under Mr Annan’s leadership. He played a pivotal role in helping to create the “Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria”. In 2005, he encouraged members to accept the “Responsibility to Protect”, which calls upon states to defend individuals from crimes against humanity. Mr Annan was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001, jointly with the UN.
在安南领导联合国期间，该组织内部发生了一些重要的变化。在帮助创立“抗击艾滋病、结核病和疟疾全球基金会”方面，安南起到了关键作用。2005年，他鼓励各成员国承担起“国家保护责任”——该责任要求各国保护公民，使他们免受反人类罪行的伤害。2001年，安南和联合国共同获得了诺贝尔和平奖。
In his new memoir, “Interventions: A Life in War and Peace”, Mr Annan speaks candidly about a career spent trying to persuade governments to make peace. He points out how the UN has on occasion failed to protect the rights of “the peoples”, as laid out in the original Charter of the organisation, written in 1945. Most recently, Mr Annan was the UN-Arab League joint special envoy to Syria, a post he resigned in August.
在新出版的回忆录《调停斡旋：战争与和平的一生》中，安南坦率地陈述了他的职业生涯——他数十年来都在试图劝说各国政府和平相处。1945年签署的《联合国宪章》初案里曾经列明了“各国人民”的权利；而安南指出，联合国有时候并未能够保护这些权利。最近，安南曾担任联合国-阿盟叙利亚危机联合特使，而他在今年八月辞去了这一职务。
Mr Annan spoke to The Economist about Syria, talking to tyrants and how to fix the Security Council.
安南就叙利亚问题接受了《经济学人》的采访，针对暴虐独裁者、以及如何改善联合国安理会发表了看法。
Where did the UN go wrong in its peacekeeping missions in Somalia, Rwanda and Bosnia in the 1990s?
上世纪九十年代，联合国在索马里、卢旺达和波斯尼亚执行维和任务时，有哪些不尽如人意之处？
Until the end of the Cold War, the Security Council was, in a way, divided. It wasn’t easy to reach agreements on conflicts in which the Security Council should intervene. In most cases, they had intervened in inter-country conflicts, where the parties came to agreements and invited the UN to come and monitor. So they were fairly stable environments. After the early 1990s, we got involved in internal situations. Somalia was internal, so was Rwanda, as was Yugoslavia, leading to Srebrenica. That required a different type of skill: to defend the civilian populations in the vicinity. That was really a qualitative and dramatic change in UN operations.
直到冷战结束之前，安理会在某种程度上来说都是存在分歧的。安理会应该针对哪些冲突进行调解？当时想在这方面达成一致并不容易。在九十年代以前，大多数情况下联合国都是在调解国家之间的冲突，之后冲突双方达成协议并邀请联合国来监督，于是这些国家就进入了较为稳定的环境。从九十年代中期开始，联合国介入了一些国内冲突。索马里、卢旺达和南斯拉夫都是国内冲突——其中南斯拉夫冲突还导致了斯雷布雷尼察大屠杀。解决这些冲突需要另一种技巧：去保护冲突地区附近的平民。在联合国行动方面，这的确是一次巨大的性质改变。
How did you feel in 1994 when you were asking governments to intervene in the genocide in Rwanda but were turned down?
1994年，您曾经要求各国政府介入卢旺达大屠杀，但遭到了拒绝。当时您有何感想？
It was a very painful experience for me but we have to understand the context. We were trying to cope with Rwanda soon after the collapse of UN operations in Somalia, where US troops had been killed and dragged through the streets. Countries had become risk-averse. They were not about to jump into another situation which reminded them of Somalia. Instead of increasing the numbers, we scaled back. In those situations, governments look after their own. So the question of protecting the Rwandans was secondary.
对我来说，那是一段很痛苦的经历；但我们不得不去理解当时的国际环境。就在我们试图处理卢旺达问题之前不久，联合国在索马里的行动失败了，派往当地的美军士兵遭到了杀害，尸体被拖过大街。各国都采取了规避风险的态度，它们对索马里事件心有余悸，不愿意再次介入类似的局面。我们非但没有增员，反而减少了行动人数。在这种情况下，各国政府首先要确保自身的利益，因此保护卢旺达就成了次要问题了。
Why have you maintained that the conflict in Darfur was not genocide?
为什么您坚持认为达尔富尔冲突不是种族灭绝？
The UN sent in a commission to Darfur, headed by Antonio Cassisi, a prominent Italian judge. They came up with a report confirming there was systematic abuse of human rights, and to some extent, crimes against humanity. However, they could not determine that it was genocide. That would entail judicial determination and analysis, so the commission stopped short of calling it genocide.
联合国曾派遣代表团前往达尔富尔，由杰出的意大利法官安东尼奥•卡塞斯领导。他们提交了一份报告，证实该地区存在系统的侵犯人权行为，以及某种程度上的反人类罪行。然而，他们无法认定该行为是否属于种族灭绝。这必须经过分析和司法决断，所以代表团最终决定不将其称为种族灭绝。
This was a report that went to the Security Council. On the basis of that report, the Security Council referred the case to the International Criminal Court. Having accepted their report, I couldn’t say it was genocide. I had to accept the judgment headed by Cassisi. Even though the Americans then called Darfur genocide, they didn’t change their policy. They declared it genocide and did nothing.
这里有一份提交给安理会的报告。根据这份报告，安理会把该案例送交了国际刑事法院。接手了这份报告以后，我不能把它称为种族灭绝。我不得不接受卡塞斯牵头做出的评判。尽管当时美国方面采取了“达尔富尔种族灭绝”的提法，但他们没有做出政策上的改变。他们只是宣称该行为是种族灭绝，但并未采取任何措施。
Do you think the model of five permanent seats on the Security Council will change?
您认为安理会五个常任理事国的模式会发生改变吗？
Change should come. When, I cannot say.
会发生改变的。至于在什么时候，我也说不准。
I tried very hard to bring about change, to see if we could create permanent seats for Latin America, Africa, India and Japan, but we did not succeed. This would have made the Council a bit more democratic. The pressure is becoming even greater with the emergence of the new powers. They expect to have a voice and a place at the table. It will be in the interests of the organisation to have them there. So these reforms cannot be resisted forever.
我曾经非常努力地试图带来改变，想看看安理会能否为拉丁美洲、非洲、印度和日本设置一些常任理事国席位，但并没有成功。如果此举成功，原本可以让安理会更民主一点。随着新兴强国的崛起，安理会面对的压力越来越大。这些国家期望能发出自己的声音、能在谈判桌上有一席之地。接纳它们是符合联合国组织利益的。所以这些改革终究要来，受到抵制只是暂时的。
You have negotiated with Saddam Hussein, Omar al-Bashir and Muammar Gaddafi. Do you believe talking to tyrants achieves peace?
您同萨达姆•侯赛因、奥马尔•巴希尔和穆阿迈尔•卡扎菲都进行过谈判。您认为和暴君谈判可以实现和平吗？
Whether we like it or not, they exist. They have power and influence over their people and they are the ones we have to deal with in the situations we are trying to correct. How do you get them to change by not engaging them? Sometimes you need to talk with these people to save lives and to stop the gross abuse of human rights. You need to find a way of getting them to understand, because you cannot go and blast your way in. I’m a diplomat, not an army general with a whole brigade behind me.
不管我们喜不喜欢，暴君都是存在的。他们手握大权，对人民有影响力。我们如果试图改善某些局面，就不得不和这些暴君打交道。如果不和他们谈判，怎么去让他们做出改变呢？有些时候，为了拯救千千万万的生命，为了避免人权遭到肆意践踏，你需要和这些人谈判。你需要去找到某种途径、对他们晓之以理，因为有些问题不能直接去以武力解决。我是一个外交官，不是有大批军队在背后支持的将军。
Why did you resign as the UN-Arab League joint special envoy to Syria?
为什么您辞去了联合国-阿盟叙利亚危机联合特使这一职务？
I put up a six-point plan, which the Security Council endorsed and said they were for. We had the communiqué of Geneva on the 30th of June. All five permanent members agreed to the idea of political transition and settlement but they did not follow through when they got to New York. I resigned because of these divisions at the international level, but you should see my resignation as supporting the Syrian people. I wanted the world and the member states to know that the way we were going about the issue of the divisions was not going to help the Syrians or the region.
我提出了六点方案，安理会对此公开表示支持。6月30号，我们签署了日内瓦公报。当时对于采取政治过渡解决叙利亚问题的提议，五个常任理事国都表示同意。但在纽约的时候，它们改变了初衷。我之所以辞去特使职务，是因为这些分歧是国际层面的。但你们应当把我的辞职行为视作对叙利亚人民的支持。我想让全世界和联合国成员国明白：我们当时那种处理分歧的方法对叙利亚人民、对该地区都不会有任何帮助。
How do you see the conflict developing from here?
您怎么看待从该地区发起的冲突？
If the conflict is to explode beyond Syria, which now looks very likely, it will create problems for all of us. I hope Lakhdar Brahimi—the new envoy, who is a very good and able negotiator—will get the support that I did not get. But now we are heading towards the abyss.
如果冲突扩散到叙利亚之外——目前来看，这是很有可能的——它将给世界各国带来问题。新特使拉赫达尔•卜拉希米是一位非常优秀、非常有能力的谈判家，我希望他能够得到我当初没有得到的支持。但现在，我们正在陷入深渊。
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2012-10-17
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