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北外汉译英笔译期末考试参考译文


来源:网络    作者:天之聪教育   时间:2012-09-25 12:37   点击: 次  

 这是北外高翻一年级期末英汉笔译考试原文和参考译文(不是范文)。。应该还有需要改进的地方。现在贴出来作为额外练习材料。


 

 
北京外国大学2011年第二学期汉译英笔期末考参考
 

原文:跨越左右分歧:从实践历史来探寻改革 

计划经济时代政府的极端全能管制型一面应该被抛弃,但其有效的公共服务一面则应适当继承,用来建立一种“第三条道路”。扩大公共服务甚至可以看作改善国家体制的机遇。[本段不在考。但了保前后连贯,故自行增译了两句。]

根据以上的讨论,中央政府的政策抉择显然非常关键。鉴于过去三十年的实践经验,最关键的步骤也许是地方官员审核的制度。如果能够把优质福利、社会公平和环境保护真正变成“硬”道理,采纳具有长远视野的审核制度来替代现在仍然主要以经济发展为标准的政绩机制,应该不仅能够推动市场发展,也能促进国家体制本身的转化。毋庸说,目标是从旧管制型国家体制转化为真正为人民服务的体制。

从实践历史的角度来考虑,正因为当前的中国既来自人民共和国前三十年的社会主义历史背景,也来自改革三十年的新自由主义历史背景,今后的中国追寻的该是两者的结合和超越,而不是非此即彼的、不符合历史实际的二元对立的抉择。崔之元极具挑战性地打出了“自由社会主义”的设想,其中一个关键建议是把大量仍然存在的国有资产纳入市场环境现实来考虑,既不限于纯粹反市场的计划经济视野,也不限于纯粹私有化的资本主义视野,强调的是利用这些来自计划经济的国有资产在市场经济中的增值来支付公共服务与社会保障,甚或收入的重新分配,由此来体现“社会主义市场经济”。这是一个具有一定历史渊源和理论深度的“另类”设想。它也和强世功论文的观点有一定的相通之处,因为我们可以把强文解读为提倡既纳入中国成文宪法的自由民主主义观点,也纳入中国不成文宪法(或“根本法”)的中国共产党的社会主义党章观点,由此来超越当前非此即彼的狭窄观点,由此来理解和探寻符合实践历史的宪法改革。譬如,我们也许可以想像某种一党民主制,其中的人民代表大会不仅具有立法的权力,更具有财政预算和罢免领导者权力,甚或对国有资产的监督和管理权力。

应该说明,我个人对崔之元的“自由社会主义”和强世功的“成文与不成文宪法”的理解是它们所包含的理想不是一种模棱两可的、和稀泥的那种含含糊糊的妥协,而是在承认两者都是必要的、缺一不可的前提下的超越性综合。讲究“收益”与增值的国有资产,以及其用来作为提供公共服务和社会保障,甚或收入重新分配的设想,正体现了这样的超越和综合。自由民主主义的成文宪法与社会主义的共产党党章的并存与结合同样。至于具体如何综合并在实践中操作,则尚有待于实用性的试验,据此尔后逐步提炼其中的理论性逻辑。

参考文: 

Beyond Left-or-Right—Reforming through the Lens of the History of Practice 

… Although totalitarian control should be abolished, effective public services in the planned economy should be appropriately preserved to carve a “third way”. Expanding public services could even be seen as opportunity to improve the state’s system of governance.

   Clearly, the critical tool for system revamp is state policy. Experience of the past thirty years shows that the vital step is, perhaps, to reform the appraisal system for local officials. If welfare, social equity and environmental protection are established as “hard” criteria, and if the GDP-based appraisal system is replaced with one motivated by long-term goals, markets will grow and the system of governance will change. No doubt, the goal is Change—from control to service.

The history of practice in Modern China depicts thirty years of socialism, followed by thirty years of post-1978 neo-liberalism. Instead of treating the two ideologies as incompatibles—and ignoring the realities in history—we should marry them and reach beyond their confines. In his advocacy of “liberal socialism”, Cui Zhiyuan proposed operating the still existing gargantuan trove of state assets in the free market. This is an idea that is constrained neither by the doctrines of a purely planned economy that pursue anti-market policies, nor the logics of a purely capitalist economy based on private ownership. Cui’s rather contentious proposition emphasises leveraging market forces and using state assets inherited from the planned economy to derive gains in asset value. Such gains may be used to pay for public services, social security and even to redistribute income. In so doing, we actualise the qualities of “socialist market economy”.

 Cui’s “unconventional” conception is historically and theoretically grounded. By some measure, it agrees with Jiang Shigong’s arguments. We might say that Jiang argues for merging liberal-democracy (stated in China’s written constitution) with socialism (stated in CPC’s party constitution—China’s unwritten constitution and the “fundamental law”). This synthesis of ideals transcends the provincial “this-or-that” approach in comprehending and in pursuing a constitutional reform consistent with the history of practice. An illustration would be a one-party democracy where the people’s congresses command not only legislative power, but also fiscal and budgetary power and power of recall; even power to administer state assets.

In my view, Cui’s “liberal socialism” and Jiang’s “written and unwritten constitutions” are not capricious compromises of polar ideologies. They are the products of a transcending synthesis founded on the premise that both this and the other are necessary and indispensable. Cui’s emphasis on use of “yield” and value gain of state assets to deliver public services and social security and even to redistribute income, and Jiang’s unification of the “written” and “unwritten” constitutions reflect this transcendence. As to the specific concoction and operational approach, different options should be tried and tested, to inform and illuminate over time, the underlying theoretical logic.


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