扫码触屏 精彩随性

m.kaosee.cn

注册登录
首页 口译 笔译 MTI 面授 网上商城 天之聪翻译
您当前位置: > 口译 > 视译材料 >

德国总理默克尔在2013年达沃斯冬季论坛上的演讲


来源:德国政府网    作者:德国政府网   时间:2013-02-17 11:05   点击: 次  


 
Speech by Federal Chancellor Merkel at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2013
 
Jan 24, 2013
 

Mr Schwab,
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
 
I’m delighted to be back here again in Davos. The World Economic Forum is, of course, as great a magnet as ever. It offers not only interesting insights and outlooks, but also interesting panoramas – of mountains, obviously, but also as regards current economic developments. We find here food for thought, trends, succinct analyses – in these very turbulent times that can all be of great value.
 
In almost all industrialized countries the past year has been one of relatively modest growth. Overall the global economy grew in 2012 by just three per cent. Apart from the crisis years of 2008 and 2009, this is the lowest figure for a decade. I’m well aware, of course, that the situation in the euro area has been a factor in this admittedly modest global growth. This had to do first and foremost with the question of confidence, with the prevailing climate of nervousness. But what’s also crucial here is how strong the political will is to keep the euro area together, how open to reform its members are, how willing to show solidarity. Over the past twelve months I believe we’ve made significant progress on that score.
 
The motto of this year’s meeting is “resilient dynamism”. And it’s certainly an excellent choice. Yet how, we may ask, is this to be achieved? Part of the answer might lie in concepts of sustainability and development. As I see it, that’s what we should be aiming for. Not some kind of breakneck dynamism at all costs but a dynamism that’s capable of withstanding shocks. That’s why I find this motto so apt.
 
We in Europe intend – and this has also been agreed in the European Union – to develop our economic and monetary union into a real stability union. This is anything but a quick-fix emergency operation. It’s a strategy for the long term – a strategy that combines structural reforms designed to enhance competitiveness with the consolidation of public finances. Let me emphasize here once again that for me these two things very much belong together. When it comes to restoring confidence, consolidation and growth are basically two sides of one and the same coin.
 
The situation we have right now is one where time is clearly a definite factor. We’ve made headway on consolidating public finances – since 2009 new borrowing in the euro area has roughly halved – and a whole series of structural reforms are now under way. We realize, however, that structural reforms and budget consolidation need time to work – their impact won’t be felt the moment such measures are taken. That’s something we learned from our own experience in Germany – the results of the action we took only started to show two, three or four years later.
 
So what’s crucial now is to factor in this time-lag, so to speak, and stop the political situation escalating and creating new instabilities. This means that when unemployment in Spain, Portugal or Greece, for example, is running at over 50% or even 60% perhaps, in the case of young people, our most important task is to convince people that they do have a future and if necessary to introduce temporary schemes that will keep them going until structural reforms begin to really kick in and unemployment falls. That has to be our main priority for the near future.
 
I’d like to touch briefly on this whole debate that’s under way here, too, as to when to implement structural reforms and when to reduce public spending. When’s the best time, economically speaking, for such measures. In the view of many economic experts, it’s clearly easier to cut spending and introduce structural reforms when the overall economic situation is reasonably good, when growth is not a worry. Experience teaches, however, that often structural reforms are tackled only when the political pressure to act becomes irresistible. In Germany, for example, it wasn’t until unemployment reached the 5-million mark that policy-makers were willing to take decisive action. So as I see it, the reality of the difficult situation Europe is now in means that we must take action now on the structural reforms needed to ensure a brighter future.
 
Today we have new instruments at our disposal – European instruments, instruments of practical solidarity. For one thing, there’s the European Stability Mechanism or ESM. Five years ago the idea of establishing such a permanent mechanism to protect the euro would have been inconceivable. It’s now up and running. That sends a very positive message. To enhance fiscal solidity, for another thing, we’ve introduced the so-called fiscal compact. It, too, entered into force at the beginning of the year.
 
In the euro area we now have better and stronger instruments for budget management. We have solidarity mechanisms. Where banking supervision is concerned, we’ve made considerable progress. From 2014 onwards a new banking supervision system will be operating in the euro area, in which other European countries may participate if they so wish. What we are still lacking, however – and this is something we must work on in 2013 – is an answer to how, throughout the common monetary union, we can ensure greater coherence over the years ahead in the matter of competitiveness. By coherence here I don’t mean some kind of European median score. Our yardstick should be whether our products can compete in global markets. Obviously euro area countries can grow only if their products sell around the world. That’s why the issue of competitiveness is so important.
 
What I’m thinking of here – and this is something we’re currently discussing in the European Union – is a compact for competitiveness along the lines of the fiscal compact. The way this could work would be that countries would conclude agreements or treaties with the European Commission committing them to become more competitive in areas where they’re lagging behind. This could often concern things like non-wage labour costs, unit labour costs, research spending, infrastructure and the efficiency of public administration – things that fall within the competence of the European Union member states. So of course such treaties would have to be ratified by the national parliaments. And these treaties would need to be binding, too, so we can see to what extent competitiveness in the euro area is really improving.
 
Boosting labour mobility in the internal market is another issue we must tackle. There are evidently language barriers and barriers to the transferability of social security systems. So what’s needed here is to use the opportunities afforded by the common internal market to develop also a common labour market.
 
And there’s yet a third thing we need to do. We need to ask ourselves what must be done to make the European internal market a truly major player in global markets. That means we mustn’t take a purely insider’s view of the internal market. What’s crucial above all is to ensure that we in Europe have companies which are major players internationally. If the European Union and the European Commission are to become still better prepared for the global challenges ahead, there will have to be some changes in perception in this area, too.
 
Overall, let me emphasize – and this is a point my colleague David Cameron has also been making today – competitiveness is a key factor for Europe’s future prosperity. That’s why these days we talk not just about whether investors thinking of investing in government bonds or European companies have the confidence to do so and the assurance they’re onto a good thing. The plain fact is that from a European standpoint we must aim to be so competitive that we not only stay prosperous but become even more prosperous. That’s been the key issue in recent years – and will remain so in the years ahead. Clearly we’re not yet at the stage where we could say the danger is over. But a great deal has certainly changed in Europe.
 
One of the great drivers of growth – from a global as well as a European perspective – is free trade. Protectionist leanings are rife, as Pascal Lamy constantly reminds us at G20 meetings. We must do everything possible to keep them under control. The WTO’s Doha Round has not gone as well as we’d hoped. So increasing emphasis will also have to be put on bilateral free trade agreements. In this whole effort Germany will be very proactive in pushing for more free trade agreements.
 
We now have a mandate for drawing up a free trade agreement with Japan. We’re on the point of concluding the negotiations with Canada. And it’s vital that we as the European Union also conclude such an agreement with the ASEAN countries. Despite decades-long failed attempts, we’re also keen to negotiate a free trade agreement with the United States. Often the biggest obstacle on both sides has been the issue of agricultural exports. But I think an agreement can and must be reached. It would be good for everyone.
 
Currently the EU has around 7% of the world population. When economic growth picks up again, Europe may account for almost 25% of global GDP. Yet Europe also accounts for nearly 50% of global social spending. That clearly means our prosperity depends on us being innovative and aspiring to be as good as the best.
 
So let me comment briefly on a point that’s often made about Germany. Right now growth in Germany is driven primarily by domestic demand. We’ve been doing everything we can to increase it. But when we’re criticized on account of the imbalances that still exist, it’s important to note the reason for these imbalances. Take unit labour costs in Europe: if they were to converge exactly at midpoint on the spectrum, the average of all European countries, Europe as a whole would no longer be competitive and Germany’s export industry would be finished. That can’t be the goal we’re striving for. So up to a point, obviously, current account surpluses show that countries are scoring well on competitiveness. And that’s something it would be pure folly to put at risk.
 
The last issue I want to touch on is financial market regulation. As we heard today from David Cameron – and the German and British finance ministers have already launched a corresponding initiative – the G8 will this year be focusing on tax evasion and tax fraud. In my view, this is a very important issue. At the G20 summit in Russia I believe regulation of the shadow banking system, too, must be a top priority. The capital requirements for banks are now very much higher – thanks to Basel III. We need to watch out that we don’t end up with a situation where lending capacity is actually below what’s required to generate economic growth. I can only hope that the United States will introduce Basel III as well. Otherwise it will be yet another case of global rules not being implemented by everyone.
 
More rigorous regulation as regards banks’ capital requirements, however, has driven some business into the so-called shadow banking system. Let me remind you once more that, in 2009, shortly after the international financial crisis broke out, we all agreed that in the finance sector every product, player and world region should be subject to regulation. We’re still a very long way from that goal. I can only appeal to those active especially in the real economy to support us in our efforts to change this. For if we allow another bubble like that to develop and once again plunge the world into a deep economic crisis, our democracies will be very hard put to remedy the situation, since people will no longer believe the economy exists to serve their needs.
 
In dealing with the crisis, we in Germany were greatly helped by the fact that we could rely on the two sides of industry to take responsibility, true to the spirit of the “social market economy”, as we call it. But they won’t forgive us if we make the same mistakes yet again. So in this matter of financial market regulation I still see gaping holes that need to be closed.
 
I fully share the views expressed yesterday and today in this forum that the central banks, too, cannot solve the structural problems that political decisions have caused. They can build bridges, of course. The European Central Bank has helped to do just that. But it’s also made clear that only those who carry out structural reforms and meet the required conditions can expect support. So the key challenge remains political in nature. This is to create an economic environment in Europe that is investment-friendly and which generates new investment, growth and jobs that will also be competitive over the long term.
 
Thank you for your attention.


    最新优惠 350元《韩刚口译入门学习法》DVD| 350元《韩刚口译实战训练法》DVD |498元李长栓周蕴仪《汉英笔译实战课程》| 498元《李慧CATTI二级口译课程》|598元《夏倩英语口译同传课程》 |398元《俄语口译实战课程》 |

    想快速提高翻译水平吗?

    关注‘天之聪教育’微信,每天都有免费双语学习素材,以及CATTI报考、备考、真题、模拟试题等

    针对口译、笔译学习的精品资料推送, 您可以随时随地通过手机学习!

    打开微信“通讯录”-“添加”-“查找公众号”-输入“kaosee_4008112230”,然后关注;或者来

    扫一扫二维码,速速添加吧!免费口译、笔译课都有机会获得哦~

    课程 课时 优惠价 试听 购买
    CATTI笔译全科通关VIP课程【186课时】【韩刚主讲】 186 ¥798 试听
    马茜口译笔记速记【外交部译员T型笔记体系】 49 ¥398 试听
    备考2018年11月CATTI三级口译全科通关VIP课程【韩刚、底静、马茜 187 ¥698 试听
    2018年11月CATTI二级口译全科VIP通关班【技巧+实操+真题+模拟】 170课时 ¥798 试听
    CATTI二级口译全科通关VIP课程【韩刚、马茜主讲】 170 ¥798 试听
    来北外高翻听李长栓、周蕴仪讲笔译【备考MTI/CATTI必备课程】 30 ¥498 试听
    CATTI二级口译课程【天之聪明星老师李慧主讲】 47 ¥498 试听
    CATTI三级口译真题精讲【考前冲刺】课程(马茜、韩刚主讲) 74 ¥398 试听

    口译入门未必需要太过深厚的英语功底和太过虚华的学历...
    巩固基本技能,强调学习方法,凝练精妙表达,提升全盘备战 ...
    新概念小语种:无需任何外语基础,会中文就能学!原汁原味实用情景对话,学地道外语!
    西雅图工作英语,好英语,好工作!外企白领必备教程,15CD+2教材!

    顶一下
    (0)

    您可能还感兴趣的英语文章

    音频:李慧详解视译技巧
    (音频)视译训练是口译学习重要的组成部分;特别是同传,现在很多的同传会议不会提前先给材料,都是在会前给译员材料,这就要求译员有很强的视译能力! Managers for a nuclear future It is too early to sa~~
    音频:韩刚CECE逆向翻译法
    韩刚老师解读CECE逆向翻译学习法,现在网上双语的材料繁多,很多学员不知道选择什么样的双语素材,怎么学习?今天,韩刚老师选了一段China Daily的材料,结合CECE学习法,教学员怎么利用双语材料进行~~
    视译资料:刘晓明解析五热词:中国发展前景光明
    3月6日,刘晓明大使在英国《名流》杂志发表署名文章《解析五热词:中国发展前景光明》,全文如下: On 6 March, H.E. Ambassador Liu Xiaoming wrote an article in the FIRST Magazine entitled Why the Pessimists Are Wrong on China. The full text is as follows: 关于中~~
    视译资料:米歇尔•欧巴马将访问中国
    白宫:第一夫人米歇尔欧巴马(Michelle Obama)预定2014年3月19-26日前往中国 THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the First Lady March 3, 2014 White House: First Lady Michelle Obama to Travel to China March 19-26, 2014 第一夫人预定2014年3月19-26日前往中国,3月20-23日访问北京~~

    发表评论:

    表达一些您的想法吧! 已有条评论>>
    文明评论,理性发言!

    最新评论(时间排序)

    视频推荐

    关于天之聪 | 网站动态 | 讲师招聘 | 商务合作 | 联系我们 | 下载专区
    ©2007-2018 中视天之聪教育科技(北京)有限公司 All rights reserved. 版权所有 京ICP备12005225号 京公网安备11010802011421